2013年12月19日星期四

居港7年違憲裁決之後

在上一篇,有讀者問我會不會評論申領綜援要居港7年規定違憲的裁決,我本來不打算講,因為這並非自己一向留意開的課題,也涉及社會福利政策及社會資源重新分配的理念,這種題目適合山中寫多過我寫。今天又收到陽劍文(Kimmon)的留言及他提供的連結,有關他在蘋果日報網上論壇的一篇文章,加上近日對終院裁決的輿論反應,譬如「反對綜援批新移民」群組,故此今晚花兩小時來看判辭一次,寫點零碎的看法。

陽劍文兄的留言這樣講:

另一延伸問題是,現在又有一窩蜂的人講收回單程證審批權。

之前沒有理會過單程證審批權是甚麼一回事,
讀過山中兄和標少的討論,再加思考,才知道是一件瘋事。
看完一篇又一篇的謬論,看不過眼,昨晚更漏夜打稿給蘋果:http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/realtime/news/20131219/52007309
可以說是寫得很含蓄,但心裡已經很激動。
人云亦云,似乎講得通的就寫出來,少許資料搜集也不做。

我以前跟山中討論過那些要求香港政府取回單程證審批權的人的愚昧,不打算再重覆。很不客氣講,我無興趣跟蠢人講道理。我們以前講香港可以根據《基本法》跟大陸商討每天150人這人數,劉兆佳今天也講類似説話,在孔允明案判辭第57段,也很明確講出這也是政府對每天人數因時制宜的立埸:

57. The OWP scheme has become “the single most important immigration policy that shapes Hong Kong’s demographic growth and composition”, accounting for some 93% of population growth from 1997 to 2001.[53] Applying the increased daily quota of 150,[54] about 55,000 Mainland immigrants are admitted each year. The Task Force Report suggested that some 168,000 persons were in the queue waiting for a OWP.[55] The Government has been content to maintain that rate of inflow. In a press release issued upon publication of the Task Force Report on 26 March 2003, the then Chief Secretary stated:
“We respect the right of family reunion and the Right of Abode conferred by the Basic Law, and we have concluded that the present daily allocation of 60 within the 150 quota for children with right of abode in Hong Kong is appropriate. ... For the time being, the total daily quota of 150 will remain unchanged. The SAR Government will liaise closely with the Mainland authorities with regard to the numbers and the allocation among the categories. If there is evidence that the demand falls, we will discuss with the Mainland authorities to reduce the quota.”

 與其盲目,不如切實看一下資料。

很多人可能不清楚這判決的主要理據,7年要求被裁定違憲主要是因為1997年7月1日《基本法》生效的時候,原本申請綜援是只需1年居港的要求,在2004年改為7年,才引致法庭干預。法庭申明政府有權改變政策,但法庭會因應其相稱性作考慮,第36段這樣講:

36. Social welfare rights which qualify as rights protected by Article 36 are subject to modification pursuant to policies generated by the Government in accordance with Article 145, as that Article plainly envisages. The importance of a right being recognized as a social welfare right protected by Article 36 is that any restriction subsequently placed on that right is subject to constitutional review by the Courts on the basis of a proportionality analysis (as Lord Pannick QC, appearing for the Director[27] accepted). The Government was therefore entitled to change its policy and to impose the seven-year requirement in place of the one-year requirement. But it is also clear that such modification is subject to constitutional review.

法庭不會輕易干預政府的社會政策,除非政府設限嚴重缺乏合理基礎:

43. Accordingly, in my view, insofar as the disputed restriction in the present case is rationally connected to a legitimate societal aim espoused by the Government, the restriction will only be held to be disproportionate if it is manifestly without reasonable foundation. I turn then to apply these principles to the facts of the present case.

值得留意的是,這件案是為了7年設限提出的上訴,1年的設限未必不違憲,只不過那不是在本案提出的理據。如果有别的人以此提出覆核,後果未可料,看下包致金在第186段打開了這扇門:

186. The one-year residence requirement was part of the previous system on the basis of which art. 145 of the Basic Law required the Government to formulate its policies for the development and improvement of social welfare in the light of economic conditions and social needs. We have not been asked to hold that the residence requirement of one year had also been unconstitutional, and I see no reason to do so.  ...

本案的判決會對其他福利的爭取又會否一刀切呢?可否因應這裁決來爭取其他福利呢?第23段露了端倪,簡單講一單還一單,每一種福利設限是否違憲不能一概而論,不要自行演繹,把它無限擴大:

23. As is true of many constitutional provisions, Article 36 is in very broad terms, conferring a constitutional right on Hong Kong residents “to social welfare in accordance with law”. Apart from the CSSA scheme, which[17] forms the mainstay of social security in Hong Kong, the SWD provides a wide range of services. They include family and children services; services for the elderly; rehabilitation and medical social services; services for offenders; services for community development; and services for young people.[18] There is obviously room for argument as to whether all or only some part of those services come, as a matter of law, within the concept of “social welfare” for the purposes of founding a constitutional right under Article 36. In my view, however, since the CSSA scheme aims to provide a welfare benefit addressing basic, “safety net” needs – a fundamental function of any social security system, such benefit is a clear case coming within the Article 36 concept of “social welfare”. It was not suggested otherwise. The question whether any other benefits and services provided by the SWD also fit within that concept must be left open. Other facets of the system operated by the SWD might well give rise to different considerations and it should not be assumed that what is said in this judgment can necessarily be extrapolated for general application across the spectrum of services provided.

因為只花了兩小時速讀本身是我不熟悉的課題,紕漏難免,希望讀者指正。

30 則留言:

  1. 標少,題外話,因應此議題,今天晚飯時,有朋友奇怪為何去到終院才由五位法官裁定申領綜援要居港7年規定違憲,還要是一致的,這豈不是之前的所有法官其裁決法律觀點有問題,他們反覺得終院法官的裁決似乎不合理。但未知這是否司法制度如此?

    Ray

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    1. 道理跟司法制度審理其他案件一樣。終審法院是最終的有效判決。從制度看,終審法院是處理憲法問題的專門法庭,因爲並不是所以案件都能去CFA,去得的一般都是有重大法律意義的案件。

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    2. 終審法院絕大多數裁決是5位法官一致的(unanimous),所以絕大部份的判決是一致支持或推翻上訴法庭的決定。是否其他法官法律觀點有問題?從終審法院角度看,當然是。從司法架構的角度看,它是終審的法院,無人可以説它錯。上訴一方的論據基本相同,在高院及上訴庭已考慮過。終院有自己看法,著眼重點有所不同。就算你説他們判錯,又可怎様?你看下龔如心的爭產案及Nancy Kissel案的判決,就是最好的例子。

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    3. 今次終審法院5個法官一致推翻下級共4個法官認同的判決,單從數字上也算多過持相反意見的法官。不過今年另一單司法覆核案W v Registrar of Marriage(變性人婚權案)也試過由終院以4:1推翻下級共4名法官的判決,支持W勝訴的還少過支持政府勝訴的。而理論上最極端可以3:2推翻下級的一致判決,這樣總“比數”只是3:6,不知以往有沒有試過?

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    4. 多謝山中君和標少的回覆,又學習到可從理性方面多角度思考了。

      Ray

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    5. 英國的House of Lords(即是他們的終審法院,但名字有氣勢得多)都一樣,不時出現所有法官一致推翻上訴庭及其他下級法院的判決。

      原因至少有三個:
      (1)House of Lords的法官整體上的確是比較優秀和有較高資歷,他們看到不少下級法院法官忽略的法律觀點。會上到House of Lords 的 cases有不少是牽涉較深的法律問題,下級法院看不到不太奇怪。
      (2)House of Lords處理的案件數量遠少於下級法院,因此法官能花更多時間去研究每一個案件。
      (3)案件經過層層下級法院才上到House of Lords,不論證據、論點、法律依據都已經變得成熟,House of Lords固然有更大優勢去作考慮更週全的判決。

      香港的情況都是一樣的道理而已。

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    6. 補充一點,英國上議院的司法職能已在2009年10月1日被聯合王國最高法院(Supreme Court of the United Kingdom)所取代,以體現三權分立的精神。值得一提,今次有份審理孔允明案終審上訴的其他普通法適用地區非常任法官范理申勳爵(Lord Phillips NPJ)正是首任聯合王國最高法院院長。

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  2. 標少說"。法庭不會輕易干預政府的社會政策".。如果是這樣,法庭根本就不應去決定甚麼人在甚麼情況下可以領取綜援。須知降低發放社會福利的門檻,會涉及大量社會資源,甚至可能要增加稅收以應付。這是需要公眾討論和大家同意的課題,不應是五個人說了算。為何這五個不吃人間煙火的傢伙不用問一聲公眾,就作出可能會需要花費大量稅款的裁決?作為每年要將一個半月薪金交稅的人,為何我在此事上要眼巴巴的讓這五個不吃人間煙火的傢伙作出一個損害我的決定而無法反對。究竟是政府粗暴,還是法院粗暴。為何社會福利只能家,不能減?如果香港他日像底特律一般衰落,是否還不能收緊發放福利的門檻。這五個傢伙憑甚麼認為花在新移民的福利開支不大。這不是應該由公眾判斷的嗎?他們說降低新移民申領綜援的門檻,不會增加福利開支,他們有作過甚麼調查嗎?他們用一兩年的靜態數據,就代替公眾作出這個不可逆轉的決定,會否太鹵莽?太自大?當年莊豐元案法院也說很少雙非嬰孩的例子,對香港人口不會有影響。現在呢?為甚麼法院仍不吸取該案的教訓?我想問法官大人,如果日後因為裁決令福利開支大增,除了加稅外,我們可以怎樣undo 他們今次荒謬的裁決?

    為甚麼回歸後,納稅人要不斷的擔驚受怕,害怕何喜華和尊貴的終院法官大人那天突然作出一個決定,令政府非加稅應付不可,而你連反對也沒有途徑,只能眼巴巴啲接受。像被強姦了一樣!!!!!!

    可憐的納稅人

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    1. 你看了判詞沒有?

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    2. 我能夠理解你的心情,不過你實在有不少誤解:
      1) 法庭沒有權力制定政策,他們只是判斷政策合符法律丶公義。
      2) 既然是法律議題,當然由法律權力判斷,由「公眾判斷」的說法是荒謬。
      3) 假若因這次判決令福利開支增加,亦難以幅度亦不輕易對政府造成壓力。
      4) 你現在每年給政府用作綜援的稅有多少,四丶五元?
      5) 你是有反對途徑的,例如發起遊行要求政府檢討綜援制度。

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    3. 更正: ...由法律權「威」判斷
      「亦難以」是多餘的

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  3. 我引用判辭的講法,就算不同意,也要先看判辭才討論。可憐的納稅人的評論,其實歸根究底在問為何要納稅,為何要提供社會福利。我覺得適宜由山中去講,或者看他有關課題的文章。而且留言的講法也曲解了終院的論據。有法治的地方未必事事完美,莊豐源案考慮當時的數據而作出,之後雙非嬰數量大增受其他因素影響。要undo法庭裁決,只有靠人治黨治,你又可願意呢?正如山中講,有民主也解決不到很多社會問題,不要倒果為因,應從宏觀角度看法治之可貴。

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    1. 很多人以爲他交稅純粹是一種支出而沒有收益。很多人以爲他的工資完全是他努力工作所得,與社會其他人的行爲無關。以教育為例,我沒有子女,但我很願意爲教育交稅,因爲我不想活在一個大多數人都是愚昧的社會中,例如香港。如果社會大部分人都是窮人,誰去消費?消費地就代表收入低,到時你想交稅也沒辦法交。平等社會代表貧富差距不會擴大,不會讓財富集中於少數人手中,這都需要稅制的支持。

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    2. 消費“低”。

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    3. 十分同意montwithin與標少的看法,世事無完美,實在社會是須有法律和制度去保障/令大部份人士的生活和提高人文素質。我都是慢慢才領畧,能付出的人是有福的。

      Ray

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  4. 我仍然有疑惑的是,所以若孔方提出的是「設限」違憲而非「7年設限」違憲,
    終院就會審核「設限」還是「不設限」合憲?請指教。

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  5. 這是兩個問題,不設限就無需考慮。設限又面對兩個問題,一、設限本身有基本的rationality, proportionality等考慮,但由一年改為七年違反的法律更多,更需要有足夠合理基礎這樣做,以本案為例,如果在九七年七月一日之前已設了七年之限,那麽就不會違反基本法第36條,少了一個主要爭論點。孔方也沒有為一年設限作出爭論,若然提出一年設限的爭論,成功機會會細很多,因為法庭不會輕易干預政府施政的政策。

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  6. 你想指「不會違反基本法第"145"條」? 我也知道孔方不會如此傻,爭論一年的設限。
    不過我想知道法院審案的邏輯,是否主要只針對上訴人提出的爭論點而作出裁決和回應。
    因為既然議題在面前,為何不說明設限是否違憲?主要因為想不輕易干預政府?
    讀者似乎可以參考以下的判詞分析:
    http://www.inmediahk.net/node/1019691

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    1. 因爲上訴人沒有問/要求。沒有問的問題,對法院來説,是案件以外的問題,它沒有權限處理手上案件意外的事,除非它與現在的問題有直接而明顯的互動關係,缺一不可。

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  7. 首先,法院的判決是依據與訟雙方提出的理據來裁決,比較少會講多餘的話。當然有時會作雙方論據以外的評論observation (obiter dictum),因為這些評論未聽取雙方的full argument, 故此不會是判辭要裁斷的法律觀點及釋義,只能作題外話來看,日後對此論據引述也缺説服力。It is therefore not binding as a precedent. 法官不會在一項法律觀點的裁決上把並非席前需要裁決的其他罪行一併討論,所以我在12月l4日那個blog罵張達明食塞米。

    法官不應亦不會甚麽都評論,那不是法庭的功能,既非答問大會,也非政治經濟政策的評論人,況且雙方沒有提出來,沒有充足準備去討論,豈不是caught by surprise, 而且我有權不提出對自己無利的論點。

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    1. 還有,隨Kimmon提供的連結看該文,Kimmon應該自己看判辭第17至22段,説明了李義法官(Ribeiro)集中火力講基本法第36條的原因。歧視的論據可以説是申請人放棄的講法,因為指控歧視,申請人有舉證責任。

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  8. 感謝兩位花時間指教。我想我明白多了。
    我還想不通的可能是,天馬行空的想,若沒有了145條,
    著眼點是否只能是「設限」是否合憲?感激。

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  9. 有一個關於單程證的問題,希望求教。
    單程證中有一部分的人(港人外地子女)本來有居港權,政府無法阻礙他們入境,這點我是明白的。
    但對另外沒有居留權的人,例如港人內地配偶,政府可否與審批港人外地配偶一樣,對他們作出經濟和不良行為紀錄的審查?
    當然,這樣處理的話就要修改基本法了。
    依我的理解,高舉"取回單程證審批權"的人,都是這個意思,而並非意圖對本來有居留權的人作出限制。

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    1. 對不起, 我從來未有聽過有任何本土派人士提出過這個前設......

      William Lam

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  10. I cannot agree more with what Bill said “有法治的地方未必事事完美,莊豐源案考慮當時的數據而作出,之後雙非嬰數量大增受其他因素影響。要undo法庭裁決,只有靠人治黨治,你又可願意呢?” and what Anonymous said “世事無完美,實在社會是須有法律和制度去保障/令大部份人士的生活和提高人文素質。”. But I doubt majority of the Hongkongers appreciate this.

    It seems to me Hong Kong is now moving towards人治黨治 ever faster and I think the society is really on 危險邊緣.

    I was in Central yesterday evening. A society put down a louder speaker somewhere in the pavement of Queens’s Road which broadcasted the message “given the CFA recent decision on the CCSA, Hong Kong should review its system of final appeal.”

    There was a banner next to the speaker with some cartoons showed that a daughter of a One Way Permit holder asked her mother to go out for work and her mother slapped her face and said she was an idiot.

    Comments on different websites I visited are also very one: the CFA judgment on CCSA was fundamentally wrong. One economic professor HKUST even said the CFA decision was driving towards Hong Kong in breaching the Basic Law (nowadays it seems to me every academic can regard oneself as an expert in Basic Law).

    Sidetracks with the 莊豐源 case. People complained the decision created the problem of 雙非嬰. But is it correct? My view is 雙非嬰 problem is created by the Individual Traveler Scheme ("ITS") opened up after SARS in 2003. However could CFA foresee the outbreak of SARS and the implement of the ITS at the time of the judgment?

    However, I do not note any people has even come out to ask the government to ask the Central Government to cancel the ITS or advocate the above reasoning whether dealing addressing the issue of雙非嬰.

    All in all, I really doubt Hong Kong has so call “core values” and whether Hongkongers are as good are they think.

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    1. 部分本土派政客/「鍵盤戰士」確有提出檢討取消個人遊(或至少限制其規模)的訴求。

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  11. Hong Kong is on the verge of being a city of the crazed.

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  12. 標少的文章有趣好看,志同道合者眾,傻瓜相對少,是片淨土。

    s

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