2015年12月15日星期二

五談朱經緯案

警:朱經緯毆打「證屬實」 徵刑檢意見

【明報專訊】時任警司朱經緯涉於去年11月26日佔領運動期間在旺角以警棍毆打途人一案,警方投訴警察課原調查結論為「未能完全證明屬實」,但不獲監警會接納;警方上周收到律政司民事法律科意見後,經約一周研究,昨日書面回覆監警會,決定將結論修訂為朱經緯涉毆打「證明屬實」,並就是否刑事檢控徵詢律政司意見。

警方發言人表示,投訴警察課昨回覆監警會並呈交第三次修訂的調查報告,同意把有關個案的「毆打」指控修訂為「證明屬實」,並就是否刑事檢控徵詢法律意見,現階段不評論。據了解,警方今次轉向律政司刑事檢控科徵詢法律意見,了解案件作刑事檢控的理據是否足夠,以決定是否檢控。監警會發言人則稱,截至昨日辦公時間仍未收到警方回覆。

投訴人鄭先生形容今次為事發年多來得到「最好的進展」,但對警方的處理手法感失望。

馬恩國﹕或屬合理武力 涂謹申﹕可從傷害衡量

監警會委員馬恩國表示,警方最新決定與監警會一致,顯示監警會工作已完成,又指刑事檢控的舉證門檻較投訴警察課及監警會的高,即使表面證據明顯,亦要證明「毆打」行為無合理疑點,如朱經緯以警棍擊打途人,究其前因是源於「惡意發泄打人,定係佢執行職務嘅連帶行為」,指若朱經緯用警棍打人是為了保持秩序,可能被認為是「合理武力」。

馬續稱,他翻看影片時,留意到朱打人前,畫面中有一兩秒時間,投訴人沒有順應指示前行,認為此點可能構成朱使用此行為執行職務的合理疑點。立法會保安事務委員會委員涂謹申稱,刑事檢控理據亦可能從朱「毆打」的傷害衡量,「你執行驅散人群嘅職務,係咪『詐諦』揮動警棍都可達到目的?人群已經走緊,仲有無需要用此行為?定係你當時腳步不穩,唔小心打到?」

非同時索兩科意見 張達明質疑雙重標準

監警會前委員、港大法律學院首席講師張達明則批評,警方今次先向律政司索取民事意見,後索取刑事檢控專員意見,做法繞了大圈,質疑「雙重標準」,指據以往恆常做法,警方在接到投訴之初,發現有基本證據涉及刑事罪行,會同時索取兩科意見,「得少少疑點都會照咁做,除非好有信心絕對唔關刑事,今次係咪因為涉及高級警務人員,以為可以僥倖,一早唔做定?」朱經緯已於7月退休。

另外,警方交立法會的報告顯示,2014/15年度警察3個福利基金捐款和盈餘顯著上升,其中子女教育信託基金捐款增逾200萬元至收入503萬元,盈餘增9.3倍至299萬元。警察教育及福利信託基金轉虧為盈,盈餘達707萬元。警察福利基金亦有盈餘4500萬元。

(15/12/2015)

有網友問我對這件事發展到索取刑事檢控科意見有甚麽看法,其實我在四談朱經緯案已清晰表達看法,投訴警察課到了今時今日才向律政司刑事檢控科索取意見,處理手法可謂不知所謂。馬恩國和涂謹申都講廢話,甚麽合理武力,腳步不穩,講出來毫無説服力。前者罔顧連投訴警察課都同意毆打證明屬實,即是合理武力這看法都排除了,馬恩國還要拍馬屁?涂謹申也在天方夜談,影片可見朱經緯步履穩重,何需胡亂瞎猜他腳步不穩,這算是做慣抗辯講慣廢話的心智嗎?張達明的講法也不明智,甚麽叫以往恆常做法是同時索取民事及刑事科的意見?兩件事根本毫無關連,刑事罪行的考慮根本不應把民事責任扯進去,也不應是考慮的元素。如果張達明的講法屬實,豈不是警察在旺角警署強姦女證人及警察總部非禮女犯人的案件,都先循民事索償的可能性作考慮,然後才考慮刑事檢控?我對這些講法真的沒有理解的智慧。

如果我是投訴警察課的主管,我只會索取一個法律意見,就是正如我在第四篇的思路,當時朱經緯在執行驅散人群的職務,他不是休班醉酒鬧事的打人,佔領期間經歷長時間的警民對立,超時工作,壓力超乎平常人可扺受,被打的市民沒有受嚴重傷害,被打的次數只是兩下,朱經緯已在警隊服務了30年,現已退休,已經不會重犯,縱使毆打表面證據成立,結合檢控政策一起考慮,可否以檢控以外的方法來處理這件案。

警方在處理這件案的手法我不能接受,在某程度上是愚弄市民。當初警方表示本案已交律政司索取法律意見,有沒有人會以為是索取民事責任的意見?當然沒有,因為絕無逼切性,有誰開始為這件案提出民事申索而要律政司作抗辯的考慮?警方在7警案又有沒有向律政司尋求過民事意見?為何唯獨朱經緯案有此需要?

15 則留言:

  1. 五談未經緯案

    Pls change the topic

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  2. http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/20130223/18174319

    不理解案例 錯漏百出 屢遭澳洲法官質問 大律師馬恩國 出庭變出醜

    早前在立法會以英語爆粗罵議員梁國雄而一舉成名的民建聯黨員馬恩國,當日在議會上不斷強調自己具有大學學位,又是具專業資格的澳洲大律師。不過,這位大律師在1999年於澳洲最高法院被法官多次質問,包括質疑他無正確理解案例,更直言「期望他到法庭時,已對行政法有更好的理解」,結果他因此要向法官致歉。
    __________

    http://www.passiontimes.hk/article/04-09-2015/22245

    馬恩國自比岳飛,足證他是弱智

    _______________

    http://orientaldaily.on.cc/cnt/news/20140618/00176_090.html

    馬恩國爆粗罰做「釘牌大狀」一月

    Lawyer Counsel Barrister Lawrence Ma (Ma Yan Kwok) is a complete idiot.

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    1. 馬恩國大律師係一個笑話。香港大律師公會根本就唔應該容許馬恩國執業。

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  3. http://the-sun.on.cc/cnt/news/20140618/00408_003.html

    爆粗大狀馬恩國專業失當罪成停牌 - Counsel Lawrence Ma Guilty of Professional Misconduct and Suspended

    舊年二月喺立法會一個聽證會上,大律師馬恩國 (Lawyer Lawrence Ma) 因為以英文粗口鬧爆議員「長毛」梁國雄而遭投訴,大律師公會 (Hong Kong Bar Association) 隨即對佢進行紀律研訊。研訊前後搞咗年幾,馬大狀上周四終於收到公會嘅書面通知,判罰佢就「爆粗」事件停牌一個月,兼繳清研訊涉及嘅律師費用,相信十幾二十萬元一定走唔甩。馬大狀就自嘲即日暫改稱「釘牌大狀」。

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  4. Dear Bill,

    I have read this blog as well as your earlier blog 檢控權 and am a bit confused. In the above Mingpao article, it said "據了解,警方今次轉向律政司刑事檢控科徵詢法律意見,了解案件作刑事檢控的理據是否足夠,以決定是否檢控。" It sounds like it is the police, instead of DoJ, to decide whether to prosecute 朱經緯. Say for example, if the DoJ gives opinion that there is sufficient evidence for prosecution, can the Police decides not to follow DoJ's advice and not go ahead with the charge?
    Or, in a more general sense, if for a particular (high profile) case the police decides after investigation not to seek DoJ advice and not to prosecute, can the DPP proactively request the police to pass the materials to him for deciding whether to prosecute?

    PLK

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    1. I can only talk generally. When a case file is prepared by the police intending to seek legal advice (from the Prosecution Division), the file contains a covering report together with the witness statements etc. The police have certainly formed some views e.g. whether there is sufficient evidence to lay charge/ appropriateness of the charge/ venue of trial. Counsel in DoJ will express some view and make recommendation. At times, there may be disagreement but it rarely happens. Eventually, the police will follow the advice because DoJ is the government legal adviser. In the instant case, I don't know what advice the police specifically seek. If the police are not sure whether there is sufficient evidence to proceed with the charge of Common Assault and DoJ has decided the charge should be laid, then the police will lay the charge. If, like I said, the police want to see if a warning suffices to deal with Chu and DoJ agrees, then that course of action will be taken. If so decided, the Secretary for Justice will be answerable to queries in the Legco.

      It is not uncommon for DoJ to take initiative to ask the police to submit their file, be it high profile or low profile. For example, a simple shop theft case does not require legal advice and the police can just charge the defendant and bring the case to court. The legal representative of the defendant may write to DoJ to see if the charge can be dropped and the defendant be bound over. DoJ will take the initiative to ask the police to submit the case file for such a consideration. Normally for a high profile case even with public interest, when no charge has been laid, DoJ seldom takes initiative to ask for the police file to decide whether to prosecute or not. Being the government legal adviser does not mean DoJ is superior than the police. She should refrain from interfering with normal police work. If the Chief Executive asks DoJ to look at the matter, then it will be very different.

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    2. Dear Bill,

      Thanks so much for your reply. From what you said, it appears that in practice a prosecution will happen ONLY IF there are concurrent agreements by the police and the DoJ. If either one disagree (for the police, by not sending file to DoJ; for DoJ, by giving negative opinion to prosecute when police seek legal advice), prosecution cannot take place. So strictly speaking, 檢控權 is shared between Police and DoJ - consent by police (or other law-enforcing agency) is the "prerequisite" of the DoJ's 檢控權.

      If that is the case, then the public has to rely on the police (or other law-enforcing agency)'s self conscience to deal fairly and without bias when deciding whether to effectively "veto" the prosecution of cases involving their own colleagues (esp. senior colleagues). There will be conflict of interest and don't seems right to me.

      PLK

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    3. Well, I do not conclude in the manner you did.

      I think in my blog titled 檢控權 posted on 3/11/2015, this issued was canvassed. You can see there are two tiers of prosecution decisions. At the magistracy level, the majority of cases are instituted without going through DoJ for advice. In reality, there are the court prosecutors (from DoJ) who take care of the magistrate court cases. If the prosecutors feel that there is problem with the case, they will discuss with the police to rectify the mistake or in more complicated cases, refer to DoJ for advice. So you can say the majority of such cases do not go through DoJ as such for legal advice. You can also say it is the police's decision to institute the proceeding.

      In more serious matters when the trial takes place in District Court or High Court, it will definitely go to DoJ for advice and further procedure. Very rarely would there be disagreement because it is difficult for the police to override their legal adviser's decision. The final decision rest with DoJ. That said, there are very delicate situations when disagreement arises. Even different counsel may have different views. In the end, DoJ makes the final decision.

      In the event that when a victim goes to the police to make report of a crime and the police feel that no offence is disclosed and refuse to open a criminal investigation file, then it is definitely the discretion of the police to decide at the outset. Refuse to act or cover up their own colleague's misdeed is not easy because we have many other avenues to voice grievances or complain. Don't forget we still have the fifth estate, the very powerful press these days. When such matters are in the limelight, the police have to act.

      Of course, one cannot rule out the scenario that the police wish to proceed and DoJ wishes to abandon. The extreme of such an example can be seen in the blog I wrote about Edward Christopher Harris dated 7/2/2011. The police felt aggrieved and leaked information to the press and reversed the non prosecution decision. There is check and balance.

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  5. 【有冤情】外賣女工被指無牌販賣 遭食署攔截痛苦慘叫

    送外賣的食店女工,在學校門外等候學生取飯盒期間,被食環署指她無牌販賣及阻街,拘捕期間更被扯傷頸背。食店東主聲言被針對,「有單有據都話無牌販賣?」誓言要投訴到底。

    被指無牌販賣的女工姓譚,42歲,在大角嘴一間食店打工,食店接電話訂單,按時送飯盒到學校門外,讓學生到來領取。昨日中午12時半左右,譚女到土瓜灣一間中學送飯,當時還有一個飯盒未有學生領取,她等候期間,數名食環署職員趨前,指她涉嫌非法擺賣及阻街,要充公飯盒。女工大驚,即時致電老闆余先生。他們解釋,飯盒已被訂購「有單有據」,並沒有即場擺賣;雙方理論不果,余以手機拍攝現場情況。

    片段所見,食環署職員向余先生指,「呢啲嘢﹝飯盒﹞唔好搞,搞(就)預埋你,呢啲係證物」。食環署職員又不讓女工離開,雙方發生拉扯,女工狀甚痛苦,發出慘叫。余先生喝止「唔好郁佢」,並叫女工「唔使走」。有人在場嘗試調停,並指「和平、和平」。

    未幾,警員接報到場,將證物帶署調查。女工報稱頸及手受傷,下午要求到醫院驗傷。余到醫院了解,見女工的腰部被纏上鐵鏈,雙手鎖上手銬,慘被當成重犯。至晚上約7時,他到警署為女工辦理保釋手續。女工被控無牌擺賣及阻街,下周三(23日)將於九龍城裁判法院提堂。
    http://hkm.appledaily.com/detail.php?guid=54541116&category_guid=10829391&category=instant&issue=20151216

    so funny and disappear news, please give your opinion.

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    1. Not easy to comment. There are people who bring along lunch boxes to sell to students without prior order. They act like hawkers. In this case, it won't be difficult for the police to investigate. If the students phoned the food factory to place order, I suppose there is phone record. I saw this kind of thing before, especially outside the construction sites. Never accept one sided story too readily.

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    2. Never accept one sided story too readily.

      Read this to learn your way.

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  6. 介紹一套好看的日本片,
    天使之刃 ---------關於日本少年法, 對未成年人的檢控等等

    經營咖啡店的檜山貴志(小出惠介飾),他的妻子被三名13歲少年殘忍殺害。但未滿14歲的殺人犯受到刑法的保護,然而根據青少年保護法,兇手作為未成年人而得到額外保護。刑警沒有問責的權利,其相關信息也嚴格保密。

    身為受害者的檜山及家人既不知道兇手的真實身份,也不知道少年們作案的動機。他的生活被徹底摧毀,人生的方向也發生根本轉變。事件發生之後,檜山開始暗自調查重新回歸社會的少年們“洗心革面”的結果。就在他開始調查之後,少年們的生命相繼受到威脅,檜山便成為了頭號嫌疑人。他一邊被警察、人權派律師、媒體記者們追踪,一邊繼續探求事情的真相,漸漸發現了少年法背後隱藏的令人驚愕的秘密。

    http://www.acfun.tv/v/ac1807368


    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJx0tp37YVk

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